• Da li Hrvati mrze Srbe?!

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    Domagoj Franjo Filipašić

    Sjedeći sam na terasi kafića, čekajući kolege, premišljam o još jednom depresivnom razgovoru, o tome što se događa u Lijepoj Našoj. Imam 22 godine te se pitam kako bi izgledala moja Hrvatska kada ću imati 82, a moji unuci 22 godine. Pitam se, što je čovjek u ranim dvadesetima mislio kada je sjedio na terasi ovoga kafića, gledajući ove ulice 1912. godine. Da li je mogao zamisliti teškoće koje će proživljavati sa svojim potomcima? Što li će misliti sljedeća osoba koja će ovdje sjediti 2112. godine? Ostavljam svoje misli ranim generacijama u 2112. godini. Ne sviđa mi se situacija u kojoj jesmo. Toliko misli te toliko beskorisnosti. Sve i svatko radi protiv nas, ali želim da znate da su neki pokušali.

    U zadnjih 50 godina u tijeku je učinkovita propaganda te podla kampanja protiv Hrvata. Etiketirani smo kao nacija fašista i neonacista, koji su žedni krvi i „mrze“ Srbe. Hrvatski narod ne mrzi Srbe te nije žedan krvi, nego jednostavno im ne vjerujemo kao i njihovim simpatizerima.

    Probajmo razumjeti terminologiju kojom se služimo. Mrziti bi se definiralo kao intenzivno ili strastveno ne sviđanje; osjećati ekstremnu averziju ili ekstremnu odbojnost prema nekome ili nečemu. Da, ljudi koji su patili tjekom rata od srpske ruke, ljudi koji su izgubili svoje voljene od srpske ruke te ljudi čiji su život uništili, možda mrze Srbe, što je i razumljivo. Međutim, usuđujem se reći da većina Hrvata ne mrzi Srbe.


    Kao narod možda patimo od kolektivnog posttraumatskog stresnog poremećaja u svezi s agresijom i ugnjetavanjem koje smo pretrpjeli pod srpskom vlašću. Zanemaren ili zlostavljan pas će vjerojatnije napasti i ugristi nego što bi onaj pun ljubavi i pažnje. Pretučeni pas će djelovati iracionalno. Ponekad će se skrivati u kutu, ponekad će pobjeći, a ponekad i ugristi. Kao kolektiv, ljudi mogu djelovati na sličan način. Hrvatski narod možda pati od kompleksa manje vrijednosti i nesigurnosti u odnosu na susjedne „jače“ narode; jači ne toliko u brojkama ili hrabrošću na bojnom polju, nego u političkoj ekspeditivnosti te razim manipulacija u kojoj laži postaju istina. Manje vrijednosti, nesigurnost i strah su karakteristike koje se smatraju slabostima. Nitko se ne želi predstaviti slabim, stoga ove slabosti kompenziramo „agresivnošću“ te demonstracijom snage, koje se u nekim segmentima mogu pretvoriti u radnje koje bi mogle biti percipirane kao mržnja.

    Nekolicina hrvatske mladeži podupire ustaški pokret, koji nije nužno znak nacionalne ili etničke mržnje, nego sasvim suprotno. To ne znači da smo fašisti, nego je to reakcija na nesigurnost o snazi i ponosu.

    Između ostalog, poistovjećivanje ideje ustaškog pokreta sa fašizmom kosi se sa zdravim razumom. Nemojmo zaboraviti da je ustaški pokret, osnovan u siječnju 1929. godine, nakon atentata na Stjepana Radića i provedbe srpske monarhističke diktature, bio reakcija na četnički pokret formiran 1904.g.
    Mi ne vjerujemo srpskoj nacionalnoj agendi. Mi smo zabrinuti zbog srpske agende koja bi ugrožavala naš način života te smatramo da moramo biti na oprezu. Srce naše kolektivne psihe, naš obrambeni mehanizam, je želja da više nikada ne budemo žrtve. Hrvatski domoljubi ne žele osvajanje, nego zaštitu. Mi smo se bojali "mi ili oni" mentaliteta koji je utjelovljen u "Srbi i Hrvati", koju je napisao srbin Nikola Stojanović 1902. godine. Srpski nacionalisti se nikada nisu odrekli velike vizije Velike Srbije nađene u tajnoj „Načertaniji“ Ilije Garašanina, napisane 1844. godine. Garašanin smatra da su Hrvati "Srbi katoličke vjere", a muslimani "Srbi islamske vjere". Prema Garašaninu, "Plan mora biti izgrađen tako da ne ograničava Srbiju na njenim sadašnjim granicama, ali da nastoji apsorbirati sav srpski narod oko nje." Pamtimo masakr u prosincu 1918.g. kao i masakr u Bleiburgu. Pamtimo zatvor na Golom otoku. Pamtimo bijeg preko granice u druge zemlje, kako bi naše obitelji mogle živjeti slobodno. Pamtimo srpsku paravojsku i vikend četnike koji dolaze u Hrvatsku u vrijeme Domovinskog rata.

    Mi možda patimo od kompleksa nesigurnosti. Zbog gotovo jednog stoljeća propagande i povijesne revizije, nekolicina ljudi nas podržava i razumije. Kako bi se trebali osjećati kad ponos hrvatskog identiteta, kulture i povijesti je definiran kao nešto loše. Jer, prema propagandi, mi smo veći fašisti nego Talijani i veći nacisti nego Nijemci. Malo Hrvata i jedva par zapadnjaka zna istinu o hrvatskoj prošlosti. Malo ljudi zna da naša iskustva iz Drugoga svjetskog rata nisu baš bila potpuno po našem izboru. Srbija je daleko učinkovitija nego mi u uspostavljanju međunarodnih odnosa i imidža. Rusija je prirodni veliki brat Srbije. Srbija i Velika Britanija dijele monarhističke veze. Francuska djeluje protiv njemačkih interesa na Balkanu kroz Srbiju. Da li su te pro-srpske simpatije i podrške, što osjećamo, dale dopuštenje za srpske vojne akcije protiv Hrvatske? Kako da se ne osjećamo nemoćni?

    Mi smo bili nemoćni 1918.g. Hrvatska želja za neovisnošću oteta je od samog početka od strane inozemnih manipulacija. Hrvatski narod nije tražio da se pridruži Srbiji 1918.g. narodu Južnih Slavena. Izabrani predstavnici hrvatskog naroda glasovali su za "Neutralnu i Seljačku Republiku Hrvatsku" 1918. Kako zaboraviti Londonski ugovor iz 1915., gdje su zemlje Antante (Francuska, Velika Britanija i Rusija) poklanjale hrvatski teritorij kao nagradu Italiji i Srbiji? Kako zaboraviti Jugoslavenski komitet, koji je kreiran od strane zapadnih sila i velikosrpskih ambicija? Istina je da hrvatski narod nije želio biti u Jugoslaviji.

    Mi možda patimo od kompleksa manje vrijednosti. Manje zemlje često se osjećaju kao podređeni većim susjedima, pogotovo kad taj susjed radi sve moguće kako bi uništio tvoj identitet kroz kulturne kolonizacije. Kako bismo se trebali osjećati kada znamo da su naši ljudi samo smetnja koju bi trebalo eliminirati kako bi Beograd mogao kontrolirati našu prekrasnu obalu? Tijekom prošlog stoljeća, Hrvatska je bila dominirana Srbijom u međuratnom (od Prvog svjetskog rata do Drugog svjetskog rata) i postratnim razdobljima. U prvoj Jugoslaviji Hrvati su pod srpskom diktaturom pretrpjeli neravnopravnost u zastupljenosti i represiji. Posrbljivanja i represija su se nastavila u komunističkoj Jugoslaviji u kojoj Srbi ponovo dominiraju u vladi. Kako da oprostimo ubojstvo Brune Bušića u Parizu i drugih u dijaspori, koji su se borili za hrvatski identitet? Kako da oprostimo lažne optužbe i zatvaranje hrvatske šestorice u Australiji? Kako da oprostimo infiltraciju, korupciju i razaranje hrvatskih kulturnih udruga diljem svijeta? Kako da oprostimo strah s kojim smo živjeli?

    Možda se bojimo srpske agende i drugih sila koje koriste Srbiju u njihove osobne interese. Nisu Srbi oni kojih se bojimo, nego ideje da smo na milosti i nemilosti srpske agede. Strah je ranjivost u situacijama koje će rezultirati gubitkom kontrole. Strah je u nesigurosti. Strah je u ne preživljavanju. Nakon stoljeća srpske hegemonije, danas vidimo preporod srpskog nacionalizma.

    Četnički pokret raste i podržan je od strane srpske vlade, i nije kritiziran od strane Francuske, Velike Britanije i Rusije. Četnički pokret, koji je uzrokovao nevjerojatne patnje Hrvata i Muslimana u Bosni i Hercegovini prije, za vrijeme i poslije Drugog svjetskog rata, danas se vidi kao zaštitnik srpskog identiteta i kulture. Kako bismo se trebali osjećati kada se ratnog zločinca iz Drugog svjetskog rata doživljava kao narodnog heroja? Četnički vrhovni zapovjednik, Draža Mihailović, 20. prosinca 1941.g. donio je sljedeće ciljeve svojim zapovjednicima:

    • stvaranje Velike Jugoslavije, a unutar njega Velike Srbije, etnički očistiti unutar granica Srbije, Crne Gore, Bosne i Hercegovine, Srema (Srijem), Banata i Bačke;
    • čišćenje svih nacionalnih manjina i anti-državne elemente iz državnog teritorija;
    • kažnjavanje svih Hrvata i Bošnjaka;
    • naseljavanje područja očišćenih od nacionalnih manjina i anti-državnih elementa od strane Srba i Crnogoraca.



    Pokret Moderni Četnik Ravna Gora koji hvali Dražu Mihailovića kao heroja, je poznati ideološki pokret s ciljem širenja rasističke propagande i poticanje etničke mržnje protiv nesrba u bivšim jugoslavenskim državama. U Stoney Creek-u, Kanada, nalazimo pokret srpskih četnika Ravna Gora gdje je Draža Mihailović centar, koji je u potpunosti podržan od strane srpskog veleposlanstva u Kanadi.

    Danas ne razumijemo kako je u svibnju 2012.g. Srbija izabrala potencijalnog ratnog zločinca Tomislava Nikolića, čelnika Srpske radikalne stranke (SRS) kao njihovog predsjednika. Srpska radikalna stranka je osnovana 23. veljače 1991.g. spajanjem Srpskog Četničkog pokreta (SCP) Vojislava Šešelja i Narodne radikalne stranke (NRS). NRS je stranka Nikole Pašića, srpskog vođe koji je tlačio hrvatski narod u prvoj Jugoslaviji.

    Nasuprot tome, Srpska radikalna stranka podupirala je Baath stranku Saddama Husseina, čime su za uzvrat dobili političku i financijsku potporu. Vođe radikala često su posjećivale Saddama tokom njegovoga režima, te je potrebno istaknuti njihovo javno hvaljenje iračkog vođe za njegovu hrabrost i prkos protiv Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Samim time Saddamova stranka im se odužila financiranjem izbornih kampanja SRS-e. Dužnosnici Radikalne stranke održavaju veze s ultranacionalistima i drugdje u Europi, uključujući i francuskog Jean-Marie Le Pena i ruskog Vladimira Zhirinovsky.

    Tijekom Domovinskog rata Nikolić je aktivno sudjelovao u ratu protiv Hrvatske. Radikali su služili kao Miloševićeva željezna šaka u vojnim pohodima u Bosni, Hrvatskoj i na Kosovu 90-ih. Nikolićev vođa Vojislav Šešelj, okupio je volontere za oružane Srpske pobune protiv odcjepljenja Hrvatske od Jugoslavije i prijetio da će „vaditi oči Hrvatima sa zahrđalom žlicom“. Pristaše radikala bili su aktivni u srpskim paravojnim postrojbama odanih Miloševiću u Hrvatskoj, Bosni i na Kosovu, a i naširoko se okrivljuju za pokretanje kampanje koja je istrijebila nesrbe u blizini Srpskih pograničnih područja.

    Danas, Vojislav Šešelj, iako mu se sudi od strane Međunarodnog kaznenog suda uHaagu za ratne zločine, ostaje jedan od najpopularnijih političara u Srbiji. Rusija je spremna pružiti pravnu pomoć za obranu Šešelja na ICTY suđenju. Danas, Nikolić kaže da se Hrvati ne bi trebali vratiti u hrvatski grad Vukovar. Da bi dodali soli na ranu, Nikolić poriče da se dogodio genocid u Srebrenici.

    Što smo trebali razmišljati kada moćni bivši veleposlanik u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji, William Montgomery, djeluje kao lobista / komunikacijski konzultant Tomislavu Nikoliću? Da li Montgomery podržava ultra-nacionaliste? Da li će Montgomery pomoći Srbiji, u Washingtonu i EU metropolama, da postignu svoj regionalni program? U srpnju 2005.g. Montgomery je napisao članak u New York Times-u, koji implicira da je "svatko" kriv za pokolj u Srebrenici. Samo jedna grupa je odgovorna za taj pokolj i mnogi drugi. U New York Times iz 2009. pojavljuje se članak gdje, čini se, Montgomery podržava Republiku Srpsku da raspišu referendum o nezavisnosti. Čak i danas vidimo da Srbi ne žele živjeti sa Hrvatima i Bošnjacima. Koje druge srpske inicijative bude Montgomery i njegove kolege podržavali kada Srbi opet upotrijebe Bizantski tantrum? Koji to centri moći pomažu agresoru preurediti svoj imidž. Zašto ti centri moći pomažu pretvoriti takvu vladu u legitimnu snagu koja zaslužuje priznanje i poštovanje od strane međunarodne zajednice?

    Kako Vuk Jeremić, neiskusni srpski ministar vanjskih poslova, postaje u dobi od 36 godina najmlađi predsjednik Opće skupštine UN? Koji su to ciljevi moćnika iz sjene u ovom „novom međunarodnom poretku“? Hoće li Srbija biti favorit ispred Hrvatske, opet, na svjetskoj sceni?

    Kako se ne bojati rastućeg nacionalizma na drugoj strani rijeke Drine? Naša reakcija danas je da moramo biti jaki. Hrvatski domoljubi ne žele osvajanje, nego zaštitu. Niti jednom u tisuću godina Hrvati nisu vodili osvajačke ratove - to je protiv naše prirode. Tijekom Domovinskog rata niti jedan hrvatski vojnik nije kročio na teritorij Srbije.

    Svi znamo da jednoga dana treba doći do „pomirenja“. Mi smo susjedne zemlje i ne možemo se definirati mržnjom jedni prema drugima. Ne možemo si priuštiti trošenje vremena i energije na negativnosti. Normalizacija odnosa je potrebna da bi se postigao što veći životni standard. Mirenje treba graditi na povjerenju. Tko bi trebao poduzeti prvi korak u obnovi povjerenja? Treba li žrtva vjerovati agresoru samo zato jer agresor traži „oproštenje“? „Prevari me jednom i sramota je na tebi, prevari me drugi puta i sramota je na meni.“

    Mi Hrvati smo prevareni mnogo puta i iskorištavani te smo previše pretrpjeli. Normalizacija odnosa dogodit će se onda kada se Hrvatski narod neće više osjećati ugroženo od strane agresivnih narodna istočno od Drine.
    Siguran sam da je potrebna poštena komunikacija te pregled situacije. Komponente toga bi uključivale:

    • Mi moramo prestati biti žrtve.
    • Mi moramo biti politički jednaki. Oni ne mogu biti dominantni, dok smo mi podređeni.
    • Mi se moramo definirati, ne smijemo dopustiti da nas drugi definiraju.
    • Moramo sazrijeti kao ljudi i okrenuti nesigurnost u smjeru snage i uvjerenja, znajući tko smo mi, kao nacija te iza čega stojimo.
    • Srbi, i njihovi partneri, morat će nas poštovati kao suverenu naciju i prestati gledati našu zemlju kao objekt akvizicije.



    Danas nemamo povjerenja, ali smo hrabri.
    Hrvati ne mrze Srbe. Jednostavno njima i njihovim simpatizerima ne vjerujemo.


    Domagoj Franjo Filipašić
    Inkubator Građanske Inovacije



    Do the Croats hate the Serbs ?

    Domagoj Franjo Filipašić
    4 July 2012
    Civic Innovation Incubator - Zagreb


    I sit in the cafe alone in a crowd, my friends have left. I ponder yet another depressing conversation about what is happening to our country. I am 23 years old and I wonder what my Homeland, my Croatia, will be like when I am 83 and my grandchildren are 23. I wonder what a 23-year-old thought when he was sitting in this cafe looking out at the streets in 1912. Could he have imagined the hardships he and his descendants would live through? What will the next person sitting her in 2113 be thinking? I leave my thoughts to that 23-year-old, in 2112. I do not like the situation we are in. So many thoughts. So much futility. Everyone and everything is working against us. I want you to know, some of us tried.

    Over the last 50 years there has been an ongoing and effective propaganda smear campaign against the Croatian people. We are being portrayed as a nation of fascists or neo-Nazis that "hate" the Serbian people and who have a thirst for Serbian blood. We, the Croatian people do not hate the Serbian people nor do we have a thirst for Serbian blood. We simply do not trust the Serbian nation. We fear that which we do not understand or trust.

    Let's ensure that we understand the terminology that we are using. Hate is defined as disliking intensely or passionately; to feel extreme aversion for or extreme hostility toward or to detest. Yes, people that suffered in the war at the hands of the Serbian paramilitaries, people that lost loved ones at the hands of Serbian solders and people who had their lives destroyed, might hate Serbs - but that is understandable. The vast majority of Croatians though do not hate the Serbs.

    As a nation we might suffer from a collective posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) related to aggression and oppression that we have suffered under Serbian rule. A neglected or abused dog will be more likely to attack and bite than would one given love and attention. A beaten dog will act irrationally. Sometimes it will cower in the corner, sometimes it will run away and sometimes it will bite. As a collective, a people might act in a similar manner. The truth is that the Croatian people might suffer from an inferiority and insecurity complex related to the stronger Serbian nation; stronger not so much in numbers or bravery on the battlefield but in the political expediency and byzantine manipulations where lies become truth. Inferiority, insecurity and fear are characteristics that are seen as weaknesses.

    No one wants to be seen as weak and therefore these weaknesses are externalized in a compensatory manner via a show of strength and aggression which might, in some unsophisticated segments, turn into actions that might be perceived as hate. A few Croatian youth supporting the mythology of the Ustaša movement is not necessarily a sign of national fascism or ethnic hatred, but quite the opposite. This does not mean that we are neo-Nazis - but it is a reaction to fears and insecurities holding on to a vision of strength. Let us not forget that the Ustaša movement, formed in January 1929, after the assassination of Stjepan Radic and the implementation of the Serbian monarchial dictatorship, was a reaction to Serbian Četnik movement formed in 1904.

    We do not trust the Serbian national agenda. We are concerned about the Serbian agenda that threatens our way of life and we feel that we must be on guard. The heart of our collective psyche defense mechanism is the desire to never again be victims. Croatian nationalists do not desire conquest, but protection. We are afraid of the "us or them" mentality espoused in the "Serbs and Croats" written by Serb Nikola Stojanović in 1902. The Serbian nationalists have never renounced the grand vision for a Greater Serbia found in Ilija Garašanin's secret Načertanije (Draft), written in 1843. Garašanin believed that Croats are "Serbs of Catholic faith" and Slavic Muslims are "Serbs of Islamic faith". According to Garašanin , "A plan must be constructed which does not limit Serbia to her present borders, but endeavors to absorb all the Serbian people around her." We remember the December 1918 Massacre. We remember the Senj and Bleiberg Massacres. We remember the Goli Otok prison. We remember escaping across the borders to flee to other countries so that our families could live free. We remember the Serbian paramilitaries and weekend warriors coming to Croatia during the Homeland War.

    We might suffer from an insecurity complex. Due to almost a century of propaganda and historical revision, few peoples understand us and support us. How are we expected to feel when pride in Croatian identity, culture and history is defined as bad because according to the propagandists, we are bigger fascists than the Italians were and bigger Nazis than the Germans were. Few Croats and hardly any Westerners know the truth of the Croatian past. Few people know that even our WW2 experience was not of our choosing. Serbia has been far more effective than we have at establishing international relations and image building. Russia is the natural big brother to Serbia. Serbia and Britain share monarchial ties. France works against German interests in the Balkans through Serbia. It is these pro-Serbian sympathies and support, which we feel, gave permission and led to Serbian decisions to take military action against Croatia. What are we supposed to think when the grand-niece of the man responsible for the December 1918 Massacre is today the Minister for Foreign Affairs?

    What are we supposed to think when we remember the UDBA false flag operations, such as the Croatian Six in Australia, used to destroy our reputation and the assassinations of those that were brave enough to speak out against Yugoslavia? Should we not be insecure when we know that former UDBA agents are still in the highest offices of power in the Croatian government? How can we not feel powerless?

    We were powerless in 1918. Croatian desires for independence were hijacked, right from the start, by foreign manipulations. The Croatian people did not ask to join Serbia in 1918 in a nation of Southern Slavs. The elected representatives of the Croatian people voted for a "Neutral and Peasant Republic of Croatia" in 1918. How do we forget the Treaty of London of 1915, where the Triple Entente, France, Britain and Russia, carved up Croatian territories as rewards to Italy and Serbia? How do we forget the Yugoslav Committee, which was created by Western powers and Greater Serbian ambitions? The truth is that the Croatian people did not want to be in Yugoslavia.

    We might suffer from an inferiority complex. Smaller countries quite often feel like a subordinate to the larger neighbor especially when that neighbor does everything possible to destroy your identity through cultural colonization. How are we supposed to feel when we know that our people are just a nuisance to eliminate so that Belgrade can control our beautiful coast. Over the last century Croatia was dominated by Serbia both in the Interwar (WW1 to WW2) and Postwar periods. In the first Yugoslavia Croats suffered under a Serbian dictatorship, inequity of representation and repression. Serbianization and repression continued into the Communist Yugoslavia where the Serbs once again dominated the government. How do we forgive assassination of Bruno Bušić in Paris and others in the Diaspora who fought for Croatian identity? How do we forgive the false accusations and imprisonment of the Croatian Six in Australia? How do we forgive the infiltration, corruption and destruction of Croatian cultural organizations around the world? How do we forgive the fear that we lived with?
    We might be afraid of the Serbian agenda and those other powers that use Serbia to further their own interests. It is not the Serbs themselves we fear, it's the idea of being at the mercy of the Serbian agenda. Fear is about vulnerability to situations that will result in loss of control. Fear is about not being safe. Fear is about not surviving. Fear causes us to act irrationally through a flight or fight response. After a century of Serbian hegemony, today we see a resurgence of Serbian nationalism.

    The Četnik movement is growing and is supported by the Serbian government and not criticized by France, Britain and Russia. The Četnik movement, which caused incredible suffering to Croats and Muslims of Bosnia Herzegovina before and during WW2, is today seen as the protector of Serbian identity and culture. How are we supposed to feel when a WW2 war criminal is seen as a national hero? The Četnik supreme commander, Draža Mihailović, on December 20, 1941 issued the following objectives to his commanders;
    • Creation of Greater Yugoslavia, and within it Greater Serbia, ethnically clean within the borders of Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Srijem, Banat, and Bačka;
    • Cleansing of all national minorities and anti-state elements from state territory;
    • Punishment of all Croats and Bosniaks;
    • Settlement of the areas cleansed of national minorities and anti-state elements by Serbs and Montenegrins.


    The modern Četnik Ravna Gora Movement (CRP), which praises Draža Mihailović as a hero, is a well-known ideological movement with the aim of spreading racist propaganda and inciting ethnic hatred against non-Serbs in former Yugoslavian states. In Stoney Creek Canada we find the Movement of Serbian Četniks Ravna Gora which operates publically the Draža Mihailović Center which is fully endorsed by the Serbian Embassy in Canada.

    Today we do not understand how in May 2012, Serbia elected a potential war criminal, Tomislav Nikolić, leader of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), to be their president. The Serbian Radical Party was formed on 23 February 1991 by the merger of Vojislav Šešelj's Serbian Četnik Movement (SČP) and the National Radical Party (NRS). The NRS is the party of Nikola Pasić, the Great Serbian leader that oppressed the Croatian people in the first Yugoslavia. The Serbian Radical Party once counted Saddam Hussein's Baath party among its political and financial backers. Radical leaders often visited Saddam during his reign, publicly praising the Iraqi leader for his bravery and defiance of the United States. In return, Saddam's Baath party financed the Radicals' election campaigns. Radical Party officials also maintain ties to ultranationalists elsewhere in Europe, including Russia's Vladimir Zhirinovsky.

    During the Homeland War Nikolić actively participated in the war against Croatia. The Radicals served as Milosevic's iron fist during his military campaigns in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo in the 1990s. Nikolić's leader, Vojislav Šešelj, rallied volunteers for an armed rebellion by Serbs against Croatia's secession from Yugoslavia and threatened to scoop out the eyes of Croats with a rusty spoon. Supporters of the Radicals were active in Serbian paramilitary units loyal to Milosević in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo, and are widely blamed for launching campaigns that wiped out non-Serbs near Serbia's border regions. Today, Vojislav Šešelj, even though being tried by the International Criminal Court in Hague for war crimes, remains one of the most popular politicians in Serbia. Russia is ready to provide legal assistance to defend Šešelj against the ICTY trial. Today, Nikolić says that Croats should not return to the Croatian city of Vukovar. To add insult to injury, Nikolić denies that the Srebrenica Genocide occurred.

    What are we supposed to think when a powerful former ambassador to Croatia and Serbia, William Montgomery, is acting as a lobbyist / communications consultant to Tomislav Nikolić. Is Montgomery supportive of ultra-nationalism? Will Montgomery help Serbia, in Washington and EU capitals, attain their regional agenda? In July 2005, Montgomery wrote an article in the New York Times which appears to imply that "everyone" was to blame for the Srebrenica Massacre. Only one group is responsible for that massacre and many others. In a New York Times article from 2009 Montgomery appears to support the desires of obstinate Serbs to hold a referendum on independence. Even today the Serbs appear to not to want to coexist with Croats and Bosniaks. What other Serbian initiatives will Montgomery and his colleagues support when the Serbs throw a Byzantine style tantrum?

    Which centers of power are helping an aggressor remake its image? Why are these centers of power turning a pariah state “overnight” into a legitimate international factor, deserving recognition and respect by the international community? How does Vuk Jeremić, a rather “green” inexperienced Serbian foreign minister becomes, at age 36, the youngest president of the UN General Assembly? What are the goals of the power brokers of the “new international order”? Will Serbia be catapulted ahead of Croatia, yet again, on the world stage?

    How can we not be afraid of rising nationalism on the other side of the Drina River? Our reaction today is that we must be strong. Croatian nationalists do not desire conquest, but protection. Not once in a thousand years have Croats fought a war of conquest and expansion - this is against our nature. During the Homeland War not a single Croatian soldier set foot on Serbian territory. One famous Croatian singer sums up our values with these lyrics, "Do not give in, do not give up yours. Do not take that which belongs to others, for it is cursed. He who lives his life thus, proudly comes before God."

    We all know that one day there needs to be a "pomirenje" - a reconciliation. We are neighboring countries and we can't define ourselves by hatred of the other. We can't afford to expend vital energy on negativity. One day we will need to be able to trust one another and deal with one another with a goal of attaining a higher standard of living. Reconciliation needs to be built on trust. Who should take the first step in rebuilding trust? Should the victim be asked to trust the victimizer just because the victimizer asks for forgiveness? Fool me once shame on you, fool me twice shame on me. We Croats have been fooled many times and taken advantage of and suffered. Is it realistic that Croats be expected to extend the olive branch and beg for peace? Normalization of relations will only happen when the Croatian people no longer feel threatened by the bigger and more aggressive civilization east of the Drina River.

    I don't have the answers, but I know that honest communications and examination of the situation is needed. Components of the solution will include;
    • We must stop being a victim.
    • We must be political equals.
    • We must define ourselves; we should not let others define us.
    • To mature as a people we must turn inferiority and insecurity into a strength of conviction, knowing who we, as a nation are, and what we stand for.
    • The Serbs, and their partners, will need to respect us as a sovereign nation and stop looking at our land as an objective of acquisition.


    Today, we might not trust and we might be fearful but we are courageous. I hope that this article might spark some debate and progress for a better tomorrow.
    This article was originally published in blog: Da li Hrvati mrze Srbe?! started by Domagoj Franjo Filipašić