Pogledaj Full Version : Mala Povijest prevare Hrvata 1918 do 1939

Željko Zidarić
30th-May-2012, 07:54 PM
Oprostite - ima puno stvari na engleski jezik jer nisam mogao naci na Hrvatski jezik

Koncept Vece Srbija je poceo sa Ilija Garasanin, u "Nacertanije" u 1844. Vec su onda znali Srbi da Beograd bude glavni grad i Kradjordjeva dinastija vladala. Za Srbe je bilo potrebno jaki politicka, ekonomska i kulturna hegemonija. Hrvati i Slovenci, koji su se bojali izgubiti zos vise zemlje Talijanima, htjeli su savezni ustav (federal constitution). After the union, an armed uprising broke out in Montenegro.

Mark Thomspon stated " Serbia never intended to enter the new state on terms of equality... equality was unthinkable".

In Bosna Hrcegovina, Serbs denied Croat and Muslim desires to sovereignty. Even though Croats and Muslims cooperated, and Serbs accounted for about 40% of the population a Serb was Prime Minister for 264 out of the 268 months that the interwar Kingdom lasted. In BiH, Bosnian Serbs burned houses and seized land and told the Bosnian Muslims to "Go back to Asia". Up to July 1919 4,281 Muslim farmers were driven from their homes and lost 400,072 hectares of land. From Dec 1918 to Sept 1920 about 2,000 Muslims were killed by local Serbs. In November 1924 about 2,000 armed Montenegrins descended on Sahovice and Pavino Polje killing about 600 Muslims. By July 1926, about 500 Bosniak village cooperatives had been burned to the ground.

Serbian troops entered Montenegro near the end of 1918 and created a body calling itself the Central Committee for the Unification of Serbia and Montenegro. They created an illegitimate "Grand National Assembly" which ignored the Montenegrin King, government and parliament as well as the Constitution

As in the case of Macedonia, Kosovo came under Serbian rule as a result of the force of arms, and the local population was not reconciled to rule from Belgrade. In November 1918 local Albanians created the Committee for National Defence of Kosovo. During 1918 and 1919 the Serbian army was sent to suppress Albanian uprisings. Belgrade shut down all Albanian language schools and send the children to Serbian schools. In September 1920 Serb and Montenegrin "colonists" confiscated land from local Albanians. by 1938, 10877 Serbs and Montenegrins took over 120,672 hectares of land!

Yugoslav Committee (Jugoslavenski odbor) was a political interest group formed by South Slavs from Austria-Hungary during World War I aimed at joining the existing south Slavic nations in an independent state. During the early period of World War I, a number of prominent political figures from South Slavic lands under the Habsburg Austro-Hungarian Empire fled to London, where they began work on forming the Yugoslav Committee to represent the Southern Slavs of Austria-Hungary. These "Yugoslavs" were Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes who identified themselves with the movement toward a single Yugoslav or South Slavic state and the committee's basic aim was the unification of the South Slav lands with the Kingdom of Serbia (which was independent although occupied at the time).

Founding members included: Frano Supilo Ante Trumbić Ivan Meštrović Hinko Hinković Franko Potočnjak Nikola Stojanović Dušan Vasiljević

Most of the above members were from Croatia, while the last two were from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Their initial gathering happened in 1914 while the committee was officially formed on 30 April 1915 in the Parisian Hotel Madisson. As Britain was the leader of the Entente, the city of London was chosen as the headquarters of the Committee. The president was Ante Trumbić.

In 1915, there were 17 members in the Committee, of which 11 from the Croatian littoral regions. During that year, the Committee formed branches in Paris, Geneva, St. Petersburg, Cleveland, Valparaiso and Washington. Their liaisons in the homeland were the United Yugoslav Youth, an illegal youth organization formed in 1914 in Vienna, and on the other hand the Government of Serbia. Their relationship with the Serbian official politics was seen by the Committee members as necessary, but strained because of their occasionally conflicting political stances.

The Committee reacted negatively to Nikola Pašić's government open courting of Italy in 1916, which had said that Serbia recognized the Italian hegemony over the Adriatic and particularly the naval bases. Later the same year, they learned of a memorandum by the Serbian government to the British where they explicitly staked a claim on various territories of Austria-Hungary where there were Serb Orthodox monasteries. However, they could not come to an agreement on that issue, and Frano Supilo left the Yugoslav Committee on June 5, 1916. He died the following year.

The committee signed the Corfu Declaration with the Kingdom of Serbia in 1917. It was a compromise declaration, advocating a parliamentary monarchy, with three nations and two alphabets equal before the law, religious freedom and universal suffrage. It received political sponsorship of Great Britain and France. In 1918, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was formed and the Committee's task as such was accomplished.

Ante Trumbić later became an opponent of the June 1921 Vidovdan Constitution and the new Kingdom of Yugoslavia (January 1929). Ivan Meštrović refused to participate in state politics and committed himself to his art, and would later permanently leave the country in 1942.

National Composition of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, 1918

Serbs & Montenegrins = 4,704,876 (38.8%)
Croats = 2,889,102 (23.9%)
Slovenes = 1,023,588 (8.5%)
Muslims = 759,656 (6.3%)
Macedonians = 630,000 (5.3%)
Germans = 512,207 (4.3%)
Albanians = 483,871 (4.0%)
Magyars = 472,079 (3.9%)
Romanians = 183,563 (1.6%)
Turks = 143,453 (1.2%)
Italians = 11,630 (0.1%)
Other Slavs = 198,857 (1.6%)
Others = 42,756 ().3%)

Seats in Assembly - 12 Dec 1920

Democratic Party = 92
Radical Party = 91
Communist Party = 58
Agrarian Union = 39
SLS & HPS = 27
JMO = 24
Social Democrats = 10
Dzemijet = 8
Croatian Bondsman's Party = 7
HZ = 4 Republican Party = 3
HSP = 2
Others = 4 Total 419

Jer su Srbi uvijek glasali za Srpske stranke a Hrvati za Hrvatske stranke, to je bio etnicka politika u koje Hrvati uvijek budu druga klasa i Slovenci treca. Pravilna drzava tako nemoze funksionirati.

1918. - Hrvatski sabor je 29. listopada 1918. prekinuo veze s Austro-Ugarskom, koja je izgubila rat te se raspala. Narodno vijeće države, vođeno idejama panslavenstva koje su se razvijale pedeset godina, pridružilo se Srbiji i Crnoj Gori, čime je stvorena Kraljevina Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca.

Odluku o ujedinjenju s Kraljevinom Srbijom i Kraljevinom Crnom Gorom Hrvatski sabor nikada nije potvrdio.

Quarrels broke out immediately about the terms of the proposed union. Croats wanted a federal structure respecting the diversity of traditions, while Serbs sought a unitary state to unite their scattered population. The 1921 constitution established a centralized state, under the Karadjordjevic dynasty of Serbia.

Prosinačke žrtve 5. prosinca 1918. Šef policije Grga Budislav Angjelinović, zabranio izlaženje pravaškom dnevnom listu Hrvatska. Označava krvavo gušenje protivnika jugounitarizma po zapovjedi komesara zagrebačke policije Grge Angjelinovića nad pripadnicima Hrvatskog domobranstva (25. i 53. domobranske pukovnije) koji su prosvjedovali na Trgu bana Jelačića protiv uvlačenja Hrvatske u južnoslavensku državu bez izjašnjavanja volje ili davanja suglasnosti hrvatskoga naroda. To je bila reakcija na proslavu ujedinjenja, koju su jugounitaristi organizirali na Trgu. To je istodobno označavalo kraj tada 50-godišnjeg djelovanja Hrvatskog domobranstva i početak progona svih protivnika novo stvorene kraljevine.

1918.-1929 - Narodna radikalna stranka, na čelu sa Pašićem, glavni je oslonac režima Kraljevine SHS, usko povezana sa krugovoma oko kraljevskog dvora. Zastupa strogi centralizam države uz srbijansku hegemoniju. Ona obnaša vlast većim dijelom razdoblja 1918.-1929., zahvaljujući raznolikim pragmatičkim koalicijama.

In the early 1920s the Yugoslav government of Serbian prime minister Nikola Pasic used police pressure over voters and ethnic minorities, confiscation of opposition pamphlets and other measures of election rigging to keep the opposition, and mainly the Croatian Peasant Party and its allies in minority in Yugoslav parliament. Pasic believed that Yugoslavia should be as centralized as possible, creating in place of distinct regional governments and identities a Greater Serbian national concept of concentrated power in the hands of Belgrade.

1920 - Održavajući skupštinu svoje Stranke u Galdovu dogodio se pokušaj atentata na Stjepana Radića. Na Radića je tom prilikom pucao Petar Teslić a nakon skupštine nije, zbog pokušaja atentata, zatvoren Teslić već Radić zbog svog govora. Radić osuđen na 2 godine i 6 mjeseci tamnice.

In September 1920 a peasant revolt broke out in Croatia, the immediate cause of which was the branding of the peasants' cattle. The Croatian community blamed the centralizing policies of the government and of minister Svetozar Pribićević in particular.

After election of 28 November 1920 - Because the Croatian Republican Peasant Party refused to swear allegiance to the King on the grounds that this presumed that Yugoslavia would be a monarchy (something, they contended only the Constituent could decide) they were unable to take their seats.

1921 - Kraljevstvo je prošlo kroz ključnu promjenu, kad je novi ustav centralizirao vlast u glavnom gradu Beogradu i prekrojio unutrašnje granice vodeći se geografskim i ekonomskim načelima, čemu se protivila Hrvatska republikanska seljačka stranka pod vodstvom Stjepana Radića. Hrvatska državnost je za jedno vrijeme zbrisana. Stranka je bojkotirala vlast Srpske radikalne narodne stranke tijekom čitavog razdoblja, osim 1925-1927.

On 28 June 1921, the Vidovdan (St Vitus's Day) Constitution was passed, establishing a unitary monarchy. The pre–World War I traditional regions were abolished and 33 new administrative oblasts (provinces) ruled from the center were instituted.

Serb politicians around Radic regarded Serbia as the standard bearer of Yugoslav unity, as the state of Piedmont had been for Italy, or Prussia for the German Empire—a kind of “Greater Serbia”. Over the following years, Croatian resistance against a Serbo-centric policy increased.

1921 – Milan Sufflay - U novoj državi Kraljevini SHS 1921. godine uhićen je zbog veleizdaje (špijuniranja u korist strane države) i izveden pred sud zajedno s također optuženim Ivom Pilarom i još 13 suoptuženika. Šufflay je osuđen na tri godine i šest mjeseci tamnice a presuda je snažnije odjeknula u inozemstvu, nego u Hrvatskoj.

U 1921 Beograd stvori u Splitu ORJUNA - Terorističko djelovanje i ideologija [uredi] Orjuna se od početka služila političkim nasiljem (terorom) protiv političkih protivnika. Članovi su organizirani u desetine, koji poduzimaju batinaške napade. Nisu stali samo na tome: prilikom rudarskog štrajka u Trbovlju (Slovenija) 1924. Orjunaši bombama i revolverima napali radnike i zapalili Radnički dom. U doba izbora često napadaju skupove hrvatskih stranaka. Česti su ulični sukobi sa organizacijom Hrvatska nacionalna omladina (HANAO). Napadali su također stranke i organizacije nacionalnih manjina: Nijemaca, Mađara i Rumunja. Financira ju pokrajinska vlada za Hrvatsku i Slavoniju iz fondova za "Istru i nacionalnu propagandu". Surađuje sa četničkim organizacijama i militarističkom Narodnom obranom. Po mnogo čemu je imala karakteristike fašističkog pokreta. Zagovarala je rasno i integralno jugoslavenstvo, a neistomišljenike je fizički i oružano terorizirala, a ideološki je zahtijevala istrijebiti sve "elemente koji koče državno postojanje i narodno jedinstvo". Veliku mržnju je pokazivala prema ustanovama, organizacijama i osobama koje su im ideološki bile suprotne, posebice prema kleru, frankovcima, separatistima, komunistima, Trumbiću i Radiću, jer su se isti odupirali velikosrpskoj dinastičkoj hegemoniji.Ideološki su pokazivali neke istovjetnosti sa autonomašima i talijanašima iz Austro-Ugarske "Slaveni možda, Hrvati nikada".Vrhunac svega je najuža suradnja s Udruženjem četnika uspostavljena 1923. godine.http://hr.wikipedia.org/wiki/ORJUNA

1923. godine Radić putuje u London, Beč i Moskvu, gdje svoju stranku učlanjuje u Seljačku internacionalu. Zbog toga je stranka proglašena komunističkom i po povratku u Zagrebu u siječnju 1925. godine Radić je uhićen i predan sudu.[8] Pušten je tek nakon što je njegova stranka (27. ožujka 1925.) dala izjavu u beogradskoj Narodnoj skupštini da priznaje monarhiju, centralistički Vidovdanski ustav, postojeći državni poredak i nakon što je HRSS promijenila ime u HSS (Hrvatska seljačka stranka).

Početkom 1925. djelovanje HRSS bilo je onemogućeno primjenom Zakona o zaštiti države, a Stjepan Radić je zatvoren. U zatvoru on radikalno mijenja stranačko usmjerenje: prihvaća monarhiju i Vidovdanski ustav i odriče se republikanizma. Stranka mijenja ime u Hrvatska seljačka stranka.1927 - Đuro Basariček - HSS - Zbog političkog rada Basariček je bio zatvaran i proganjan od vlasti. Posebno je važan njegov politički angažman uoči izbora 1927. godine kada se kandidirao u Somborui Subotici. U Narodnoj skupštini je 1927. godine upozorio na "tamne sile" koje pripremaju diktaturu i "koje su jednaka opasnost za Hrvate kao i za srpstvo".

1928 - Stvorene Hrvatske novine Hrvatski domobran. Prvi broj je izašao 16. listopada 1928. Izdavač je bila organizacija Hrvatski domobran. Poznati suradnici Vladko Maček i Ante Pavelić.

In the spring of 1928, Radić and Svetozar Pribićević waged a bitter parliamentary battle against the ratification of the Nettuno Convention with Italy. In this they mobilised nationalist opposition in Serbia but provoked a violent reaction from the governing majority including death threats. On 20 June 1928, a member of the government majority, the Serb deputy Puniša Račić shot down five members of the Croatian Peasant Party including their leader Stjepan Radić.

Radića je 1928. godine u parlamentu smrtno ranio srpski zastupnik Puniša Račić, što je izazvalo nemire u Zagrebu. Nakon mjesec i pol, Radić umire od posljedica. Dana 20. lipnja 1928. godine, revolverskim hicima dvorski agent i zastupnik Radikalne stranke Puniša Račić na mjestu usmrćuje zastupnike HSS-a Pavla Radića i Đuru Basaričeka, smrtno ranjava Stjepana Radića te ranjava Ivana Granđu i Ivana Pernara.

The opposition now completely withdrew from parliament declaring that they would not return to a parliament in which several of their representatives had been killed and insisting on new elections. On 1 August, at a meeting in Zagreb, they renounced 1 December Declaration of 1920. In this they were demanding that the negotiations for unification should begin from scratch. On 8 August Stjepan Radić died.

This event caused a big disbelef in Croatia and turned alot of peole who belived that Croats will be treated equal to other nations in Kingdom SCS against the King Aleksander and the idea of one country for all south slavinien nations.

The loudest ones who were against the Kingdom SCS were the joung intelectual people from Croatian cities. The other reason for this is the change in the educational system in Croatia witch went from an Austrian system to Serbian (4 colleges in Croatia were shut down or simply put under the control of the Serbian ones) wich resulted in almost 15% drop in number of students at the time.

On the 30.9. of the same year when Radic was killed the Croatian youth called for a big meeting in which they declared that they will defend Croatian independance from any atempts do weaken it, and they created an organization called Croatian Domobrani which start to publish newspapers on 16.10. of the same year to support the Croatian rights in the kingdom. In this newspapers worked together Slavko Macek a successor of Ante Radic in HSS party and Ante Pavelic a member of HSP(Croatian party of rights).

Dana 6. siječnja 1929., kralj Aleksandar poništio je Vidovdanski ustav, prekinuo rad Narodne skupštine i uveo osobnu diktaturu (tzv. Šestojanuarska diktatura). Ubrzo je donio novi Zakon o nazivu i uređenju države kojim je 3. listopada 1929. ime države promijenjeno u Kraljevina Jugoslavija, a unutarnje uređenje svedenno je 33 oblasti na 9 banovina i grad Beograd. 06. siečnja 1929., kralj Aleksandar Karađorđević uvodi diktaturu, suspendira parlament i uvodi izvanredno stanje u zemlji. 7. siječnja 1929. godine, dr. Ante Pavelić utemeljuje u Zagrebu tajnu organizaciju “USTAŠA- hrvatska revolucionarna organizacija” (UHRO) s ciljem razbijanja Jugoslavije i uzpostave nezavisne hrvatske države. Na utemeljiteljskom sastanku ustaške organizacije izabrano je vodstvo pokreta. Na tom sastanku je podpisan i ustaški ustav.

22. ožujka 1929. ubijen je novinar i suradnik Aleksandrove diktature Toni Schlegel. Zbog toga je redarstvo 30. listopada 1929. naredilo uhićenje pripadnika pravaške mladeži. Uhićeni su Marko Hranilović i Matija Soldin, a u vezi s tim uhićenjima bio je zatvoren i dr Mile Budak. Hranilovićev branitelj bio je poznati odvjetnik i katolički aktivist Ivo Protulipac. Od 4. svibnja do 30. lipnja 1931. trajao je proces pred Sudbenim stolom u Zagrebu, kao delegiranim stolom beogradskog suda za zaštitu države. Na smrt vješanjem osuđeni su Marko Hranilović i Matija Soldin. Obješeni su 25. rujna 1931. u Petrinjskoj ulici u Zagrebu.

In 1929, King Aleksandar proclaimed a dictatorship and imposed a new constitution which, among other things, renamed the country the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Political parties were banned from the start and the royal dictatorship took on an increasingly harsh character. According to the British historian Misha Glenny the murder in March 1929 of Toni Schlegel, editor of a pro-Yugoslavian newspaper Novosti, brought a "furious response" from the regime. In Lika and west Herzegovina in particular, which he described as "hotbeds of Croatian separatism," he wrote that the majority-Serb police acted "with no restraining authority whatsoever. And in the words of a prominent Croatian writer, Shlegel's death became the pretext for terror in all forms. Politics was soon "indistinguishable from gangsterism." Even in this oppressive climate, few rallied to the Ustaša cause and the movement was never able to organise within Croatia. But its leaders did manage to convince the Communis Party that it was a progressive movement. The party's newspaper Proleter (December 1932) stated: "[We] salute the Ustaša movement of the peasants of Lika and Dalmatia and fully support them."

That the Yugoslav regime resorted to show trials to repress the internal opposition in the late 1920s and early 1930s is beyond question. That it did so for both external and internal reasons is also clear, since the new state was threatened by revisionism internationally and by a strong domestic opposition that was openly autonomist or federalist and secretly separatist.

A show trial is a political trial in which the accused "freely" confess their guilt and ask forgiveness of the state through the prosecutor and judge, whose roles are complementary rather than distinct. According to Milovan Djilas, a show trial is the "legal cloak to the political judgment on the 'hostile activity' of the accused". It is thus not enough to convict, but also necessary to defame — and in this sense the confession of the accused is crucial, since at least the "public opinion of the party", and ideally the "general public opinion" must be persuaded and assured by the proceedings of both the guilt of the accused and the power and authority of the regime

Marko Hranilović was the secretary of the separatist Croatian Rights Youth (Croatian: Hrvatska pravaška omladina, HPO) in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. He is most famous for being part of an alleged show trial against several Croatian nationalists in 1931. Hranilović was implicated in the trial after the arrest of Stjepan Javor on October 31, 1929. Javor was the head of the HPO, and through his torture Yugoslav authorities were able to implicate several others. The HPO was accused of being a terrorist organization, while Hranilović was accused of the murder of journalist Toni Schlegel. He pleaded not guilty to all charges. He sparred with the court several times, including one instance where he called himself a "citizen of imprisoned Croatia"

Despite the defence's best efforts, Hranilović was sentenced to death. He was hanged along with Matija Soldin on September 25, 1931. His closing statement to the court read: "I do not recognize before this court the actions for which I'm accused, since I didn't commit them, and even had I committed them, I would have been right to do so for my Croatia and for her liberation. The struggle for the liberation of Croatia which the national representatives conduct abroad, seeks victims, and if I am to be one I gladly contribute my martyrdom to her, for my people, because I sprang from them and nothing is too hard for me, and I am ready for all sufferings and humiliations."

Znate li zašto su se hrvatski revolucionari okomili baš na Antona Schlegela?

Da su masoni nastupali protuhrvatski bilo je svima poznato. Marko je, međutim, u masonskom klubu odnosno njihovu sastajalištu kod Iličkog trga čuo Schlegelov razgovor s nekim masonima, u kojem se Schlegel hvalio kako je još davno predlagao uvođenje diktature i kako se svim silama trsio da Aleksandra nagovori na bezobzirno slamanje hrvatskog otpora. Kad je to Marko prenio u Madžarsku, došao je Perčecov nalog da se Schlegela likvidira. Time se htjelo upozoriti sve pobornike diktature, ali ujedno pokazati Hrvatima da duh otpora još živi. Poruke i nalozi od Perčeca su prenošeni ili izravno, Markovim odlascima u Madžarsku, ili su dolazili ugovorenom šifrom koja se nalazila skrivena ispod poštanske marke na običnom pismu, poslanom na moje ili čije drugo ime.

Croatian Homedefender organisation was forbiden and its members were prosecuted in courts. Slavko Macek decided that he will fight for the Croatian rights any legal way he can, but Ante Pavelić and a group of his supporters decided that they should fight for Croatia with all posible means including violence, as a resolt Macek stayed in Croatia and Pavelic left Croatia with his suporters to Italy where he later founded the first Ustasa organization in january 1932.

Pavelić i Perčec posjećuju Sofiju i potpisuju 20. travnja 1929. s predstavnicima Makedonskog nacionalnog komiteta Sofijsku deklaraciju, koja naglašava da će koordinirati "svoju legalnu djelatnost za izvojštenje čovječjih i narodnih prava, političke slobode te podpune nezavisnosti i Hrvatske i Makedonije". Zbog ove deklaracije Pavelića i Perčeca Sud za zaštitu države u Beogradu osudio je 17. srpnja 1929. na smrt.

Od kolovoza 1930. počinje organiziranje hrvatskih radnika u Belgiji, a zatim u Južnoj i Sjevernoj Americi. Branimir Jelić osniva prvi ogranak Hrvatskog domobrana u Buenos Airesu 12. svibnja 1931., a u Europi je osnovano Vrhovno starješinstvo Hrvatskog domobrana na čelu s Pavelićem. Hrvatski domobran bio je masovna organizacija koja je izdavala tjednike: "Hrvatski domobran" (1931. - 1944.) u Buenos Airesu i "Nezavisnu hrvatsku državu" (1933. - 1942.) u Pittsburghu.

In 1931, Alexander decreed a new Constitution which made executive power the gift of the King. Elections were to be by universal suffrage (though universal still didn't include women). The provision for a secret ballot was dropped and pressure on public employees to vote for the governing party was to be a feature of all elections held under Alexander's constitution. Further, half the upper house was directly appointed by the King and legislation could become law with the approval of one of the houses alone if also approved by the King.

1931 - Marko Hranilović, pripadnik radničke pravaške mladeži. Uhićeni su Marko Hranilović i Matija Soldin, a u vezi s tim uhićenjima bio je zatvoren i dr Mile Budak. Hranilovićev branitelj bio je poznati odvjetnik i katolički aktivist Ivo Protulipac. Od 4. svibnja do 30. lipnja 1931. trajao je proces pred Sudbenim stolom u Zagrebu, kao delegiranim stolom beogradskog suda za zaštitu države. Na smrt vješanjem osuđeni su Marko Hranilović i Matija Soldin. Obješeni su 25. rujna 1931. u Petrinjskoj ulici u Zagrebu.

1931 Pravaš Milan Šufflay ubijen je usred Zagreba početkom. godine. Kralj je osobno nakon toga zabranio pisanje o atentatu na Šufflayja, tako da nikakva osmrtnica niti novinski članak nisu izašli. Apel protiv politike beogradske vlade koji je uslijedio kao reakcija na ubojstvo, potpisali su i Albert Einstein i Heinrich Mann.

Croat opposition to the new régime was strong and, in late 1932, the Croatian Peasant Party issued the Zagreb Manifesto which sought an end to Serb hegemony and dictatorship. Belgrade reacted by imprisoning many political opponents including the new Croatian Peasant Party leader Vladko Maček. Despite these measures, opposition to the dictatorship continued, with Croats calling for a solution to what was called the Croatian question.

1932 - Nedugo po objavljivanju ove rasprave Pilar je nađen mrtav u svome stanu. Jugoslavenski tisak naveliko se raspisao o Pilarovu "samoubojstvu", ali otvoren prozor njegova stana, kao i činjenica da nikada nije posjedovao oružje, navode na sumnju. Hrvatski emigrantski list iz Berlina Nezavisna hrvatska država događaj je otvoreno nazvala umorstvom. Dubravko Jelčić, dobar poznavatelj Pilarova djela, također sumnja da je riječ o samoubojstvu.

1933 - U Hrvatskoj je brutalnost diktature i dalje bila postojana. HSS-pov prvak Josip Predavec ubijen je nedugo nakon izlaska iz zatvora.

The Ustasas actions at the time were very simular of actions of IRA or PLO, they had a training camp near Brescia in Italy and they would usualy cross the Italian Yugoslavenian border over the Adriatic see and start revolts in Croatia or attack goverment buldings and people. They had some support from Italy which didnt want Yugoslavia to spread any more West and from Hungary which wanted to regain some of its loses during ww1. At this time Ustasas also had support from the new founded KPJ (Communist party of Yugoslavia) which helped them in ther actions on a couple occasions.

1934 - Kralj Aleksandar je ubijen u atentatu radikalnih skupina (VMRO i Ustaški pokret) koje je prethodno protjerao. u utorak 3. listopada 1934., stigao je u Marseille na državnički posjet Trećoj Republici kako bi ojačao savez između dvaju država u Malu Antantu. Dok se vozio u automobilu sa francuskim ministrom vanjskih poslova Louisom Barthouom, atentator Vlado Černozemski iskočio je iz mase i usmrtio kralja i vozača.

On 3.10. 1934. King Aleksander went on a meeting of the so called "Little Entente" in Marseille in France and while driving through the streets he was killed by a member of the VMRO (Internal Macedonial revolutional organization) later it was proven that the assasin had help from the Ustasa organization and the Ustasa and the Homedefenders organization were forbiden all over Europe and other countrys in the world.

1939 - Kako bi riješio hrvatsko pitanje u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji, Vladko Maček ušao je u pregovore s premijerom Dragišom Cvetkovićem te s njime 26. kolovoza 1939. sklopio sporazum kojim je osnovana Banovina Hrvatska. Banovina Hrvatska je teritorijalna jedinica unutar Kraljevine Jugoslavije, nastala kao rezultat ogorčenosti hrvatskog naroda centalističkom politikom Beograda i težnje za većom autonomijom i cjelovitošću hrvatskih zemalja, suradnje hrvatskih političkih vođa sa vođama Srba prečana, te kao rezultat priznanja srbijanskih političara da je centralizam doveo do slijepe ulice.

In Yugoslavia the new goverment wanted to gain the support of Croats so they agreed to give Ustasas some of the positions in local goverment which were held by military personel during the dictatur. They hoped that this will make Ustasas support the new Yugoslavia, but this also gave the Ustasas big influence inside the Croatia.

Under the monarchy, some industrial development took place, financed by foreign capital. The centralized government spent heavily on the military, created a bloated civil service, and intervened in industries and in marketing agricultural produce. By 1941, Yugoslavia was a poor rural state. More than 75 percent of the workforce was engaged in agriculture, birth rates were among the highest in Europe, and illiteracy rates were 60 percent in rural areas.

Militaristička vlast u Beogradu je propala 1941. godine, a sile osovine ubrzo su osvojile Jugoslaviju.



Nastanak ustaškog pokreta



Tko su Ustaše?


Ustav Ustaše- Hrvatskog Oslobodilačkog Pokreta

I. Zadaća Pokreta
Točka 1. Ustaša, Hrvatski Oslobodilački Pokret, ima zadaću da svim sredstvima, pa i oružanim ustankom oslobodi izpod tuđinskog jarma Hrvatsku, da ona postane podpuno samostalna država na cielom svom narodnom i poviestnom području.

Točka 2. Kada taj cilj bude postignut, Ustaški će pokret braniti svim sredstvima državnu samostalnost Hrvatske i narodnu osebujnost hrvatskog naroda, te se boriti za to da u hrvatskoj državi uviek bude vladao hrvatski narod te da on bude podpunim gospodarom svih stvarnih i duhovnih dobara u svojoj zemlji, napredno i pravedno uređenoj u duhu Ustaških Načela.

II. Sustav Pokreta Točka 3. Ustaša, Hrvatski Oslobodilački Pokret, sastoji se od rojeva, tabora, logora, stožera i Glavnog Ustaškog Stana. Roj je ustaška jedinica u pojedinom selu. Tabor je ustaška jedinica na području jedne upravne obćine. Logor je skup svih tabora na području jednog upravnog kotara. Stožer je skup sviju logora na području jedne župe (županije ili oblasti). Cjelokupni pokret Ustaše usredotočen je u Glavnom Ustaškom Stanu, koji upravlja svim poslovima što se odnose na cjelokupni pokret i oslobodilački rad.
Točka 4. Na čelu roja stoji rojnik, na čelu tabora tabornik, na čelu logora logornik, na čelu stožera stožernik, a na čelu Glavnog Ustaškog Stana Poglavnik. Tabornike, logornike i stožernike imenuje i rješava dužnosti po odredbi Poglavnika Glavni Ustaški Stan, a Poglavnika biraju Ustaše utemeljitelji, odnosno po izpražnjenju Glavni Ustaški Stan. Točka 5. Glavni Ustaški Stan sačinjavaju Doglavničko vieće i Pobočnički sbor. Doglavnike, njih najviše dvanaest na broju, te Poglavnike pobočnike, njih najviše sedam na broju, imenuje i rješava dužnosti Poglavnik.
Točka 6. Uz bok tabornika, logornika i stožernika imenuje Glavni Ustaški Stan po odredbi Poglavnika do šest tabornih, logornih, odnosno stožernih pobočnika za obavljanje pojedinih grana poslova, koji se u dotičnoj jedinici ukazuju potrebnim, a te poslove izvrše oni po nalogu dotičnoga tabornika, logomika, odnosno stožernika.
Točka 7. Glavni Ustaški Stan imenuje po odredbi Poglavnika prema potrebi stručne osobe, te im opredjeljuje čin i službu, koju imadu izvršiti u taboru, logoru, stožeru, Glavnom Ustaškom Stanu, u Pokretu uobće, te u ustanku i izvađanju ustaških djela napose.
Točka 8. Glavni Ustaški Stan imenuje po odredbi Poglavnika i posebne ustaške dužnostnike i povjerenike, kojima se povjeravaju po potrebi naročiti poslovi.

III. Članstvo
Točka 9. Ustašom može postati svaki Hrvat, koji je sposoban za ustašku borbu, koji je podpuno odan temeljima ustaških načela, spomenutih točkama 1. i 2. ovoga Ustava, te je spreman na sebe preuzeti i izvršiti sve odredbe i naloge, koje mu izdaju ustaške vlasti i predpostavljeni. Članom Ustaškoga pokreta prestaje se biti samo razrješenjem dužnosti i odpustom, koji daje Glavni Ustaški Stan po odredbi Poglavnika.
Točka 10. Dužnosti su članstva: a) Polaganje ustaške prisege;b) Neizbježivo izvršavanje svakog rada, svih dužnosti, svih naloga i odredaba, te vršenje odgovornosti, kako je to sve sažeto u načelima Hrvatskog Ustaškog Pokreta i ustaškoj prisezi. Svaki rad i svako vršenje dužnosti, kako pojedinih Ustaša tako i sviju Ustaša zajedno, a napose i svakoga dužnotsnika častnika temelji se na dužnosti, odgovornosti i neizbježivom izvršenju odredaba i naloga, što je sve sažeto u ustaškoj prisezi.

IV. Prisega
Točka 11. Prisega, koju Ustaše polažu glasi: „Zaklinjem se Bogom svemogućim i svime, što mi je sveto, da ću se držati ustaških načela i pokoravati se propisima te bezuslovno izvršavati sve odredbe Poglavnika, da ću svaku povjerenu mi tajnu najstrože čuvati i nikome ništa odati. Zaklinjem se, da ću se u ustaškim redovima boriti za izvojevanje samostalne države Hrvatske i sve učiniti, što mi Poglavnik naloži. Zaklinjem se, da ću jedanput izvojevanu hrvatsku državnu samostalnost i hrvatsku narodnu slobodu u ustaškim redovima čuvati i braniti. Ako se ogriešim o ovu prisegu, svjestan si svoje odgovornosti za svaki svoj čin i propust, ima me po ustaškim propisima stići kazna smrti. Tako mi Bog pomogao! Amen!“

V. Ustaška stega
Točka 12. Stegovnu vlast u Ustaškom pokretu vrše nadležni ustaški dužnostnici prema posebnim naputcima i uz odobrenje Glavnog Ustaškog Stana. Sudovanje vrši posebni ustaški sud, što ga za svaki pojedini slučaj postavlja po odredbi Poglavnika Glavni Ustaški Stan, a osudu izvršuju naročito za to na isti način postavljeni Ustaše. Poglavnik će po potrebi u toj kao i u svim drugim stvarima svoje ovlasti prenieti na kojega od svojih pobočnika ili inih dužnostnika.

VI. Zaglavne ustanove
Točka 13. Glavni Ustaški stan će po odredbi Poglavnika imati potrebne propise, o postrojavanju ustaških tvorba, o novačenju i polaganju prisega, o ustaškoj izobrazbi za borbu, o odori, opremi i o naoružanju, o stezi, radu i vršenju službe te o svemu, što se odnosi na Ustaški pokret i djelatnost.

„Ovaj ustaški Ustav sačiniše i vlastoručno podpisaše utemeljitelji, u Zagrebu, dne 7. siečnja 1929.“